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An Intersectional Evaluation Based on the WBL 2024 Case Study

Researched and Written by: Yop Rwang Pam (July, 2025)

Executive Summary

This case study analyzes the legal and policy gaps in women’s economic empowerment in Nigeria, focusing on safety, pay, childcare, and entrepreneurship. According to the World Bank’s Women, Business and the Law 2024 (WBL2024) report, Nigeria scores 66.3 out of 100 on the original WBL index, and 50.0 on the expanded WBL 2.0 dataset (which includes new indicators on Safety and Childcare). This lags behind the Sub-Saharan Africa regional average of 74.0 and 57.4 respectively.

The document highlights the following key issues and recommendations:

• Safety: Nigeria lacks specific femicide laws, has fragmented sexual harassment statutes, and weak enforcement of domestic violence laws. There is no national action plan or dedicated budget for violence against women (VAW) programs. The study recommends enacting comprehensive GBV legislation, mandating workplace anti-sexual harassment policies, establishing specialized enforcement units, creating a national coordinating agency with a dedicated budget, and engaging communities and men in prevention efforts.
• Pay: There is no explicit law guaranteeing equal remuneration for work of equal value or a general prohibition of gender discrimination in employment. The document suggests passing an Equal Pay and Non-Discrimination Law, implementing pay transparency measures, strengthening maternity leave (to at least 14 weeks, government-funded) and introducing paternity leave, investing in labor inspection and remedies, and encouraging diversity and leadership programs.
• Childcare: Nigeria’s legal framework offers no financial support for families or providers, and lacks statutory quality standards for childcare services. The recommendations include establishing a National Childcare Framework, integrating financial support for families and providers, developing and enforcing quality standards, encouraging employer-provided childcare, supporting community-based childcare models, and running public awareness campaigns to promote the value of early childhood education and shared parenting responsibilities.
• Entrepreneurship: While women can formally start businesses, there is no law prohibiting gender-based discrimination in access to credit, no mandates for women’s inclusion in corporate boards, and no legislation regarding gender-responsive government procurement. This study proposes amending financial laws to prohibit discrimination, implementing gender-sensitive public procurement (targeting 20% for women-owned businesses), supporting women-focused credit programs, encouraging women in non-traditional sectors, establishing an institutional framework for women’s economic empowerment, and improving women’s legal literacy and property rights.

The research findings show that these four areas are mutually reinforcing and crucial for women’s full economic participation. It benchmarks Nigeria’s situation against international frameworks like CEDAW and ILO conventions, and provides model approaches from other West African nations, particularly Sierra Leone (with its comprehensive Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment Act) and Togo (a regional leader in WBL rankings due to steady multi-sector legal reforms).

The overarching recommendations include passing the long-pending Gender Equality Bill, allocating adequate budget and resources, establishing clear monitoring and data collection mechanisms, fostering collaboration with states, and engaging civil society and the private sector. The study concludes that addressing these gaps will not only improve Nigeria’s WBL scores but also lead to tangible progress in women’s lives and contribute to overall national economic growth and development.

Introduction and Background

Nigeria’s legal framework for women’s economic empowerment is at a critical juncture. According to the World Bank’s Women, Business and the Law 2024 (WBL2024) report, Nigeria scores 66.3 out of 100 on the original WBL index, lagging behind the Sub-Saharan Africa regional average of 74.0 and well below the regional leader Togo at 97.5[1]. In an expanded WBL 2.0 dataset that includes new indicators on Safety and Childcare, Nigeria’s legal frameworks score drops to 50.0, versus a global average of 64.2 and an Africa average of 57.4[2]. This indicates significant gaps in the laws and policies affecting women’s rights and economic opportunities in the country. These gaps are most pronounced in four intersecting areas – Safety, Pay, Childcare, and Entrepreneurship – which together form the focus of this case study.

Why these four areas? They are mutually reinforcing domains crucial to women’s full economic participation. Without safety from violence or harassment, women cannot freely engage in education or work. Without equal pay and non-discrimination, women remain undervalued in the labor market. Without childcare support, women shoulder disproportionate family burdens that limit career growth. And without inclusive entrepreneurship policies (like access to credit or gender-friendly procurement), women-owned businesses struggle to thrive. Addressing these areas in tandem can create a virtuous cycle: for example, improving childcare access boosts women’s workforce participation, which in turn increases their economic independence and ability to leave unsafe situations. Conversely, gaps in one area undermine progress in others.

Current State of Affairs: Table 1 provides an overview of Nigeria’s status in these four areas, highlighting key legal/policy gaps and comparisons with regional peers and global standards. The subsequent sections analyze each area in depth – identifying the legal shortcomings and enforcement issues in Nigeria, examining trends in Western and Central Africa (WCA), and drawing on international frameworks and model reforms (notably from Sierra Leone and Togo) to benchmark Nigeria’s situation. Finally, the report presents specific, actionable recommendations to bridge these gaps, with a dedicated policy brief section that outlines reforms and implementation mechanisms grounded in Nigeria’s legal, social, and economic context.

Domain	Nigeria – Key Gaps (WBL2024)	Regional Context (WCA)	Benchmarks / Good Practice
Safety	Legal: No specific femicide law; patchy enforcement of DV laws; no comprehensive sexual harassment statute (reliance on fragmented provisions) Policy: No national action plan or coordinating body on gender-based violence; no dedicated budget for VAW programs[3][4].	Most WCA countries criminalize domestic violence and sexual assault, but few have explicit femicide laws or robust harassment frameworks. Enforcement remains weak region-wide.	ILO C190 & CEDAW: Require comprehensive laws on violence/harassment[5].  Model: Sierra Leone’s 2012 Sexual Offenses Act and dedicated Family Support Units in police; Togo’s 2015 law on sexual violence.
Pay	Legal: No guarantee of equal remuneration for work of equal value (no equal pay law); no general prohibition of gender discrimination in employment (hiring, promotions, etc.) Policy: No pay transparency or gender pay gap reporting requirements; weak enforcement of existing labor standards on wages.	Many WCA economies lack explicit equal pay laws; wage disparities persist. Some (e.g. Sierra Leone) have recently enacted laws mandating equal pay[6]. Overall, the WBL “Pay” indicator is among the lowest scoring across Africa.	ILO Convention 100: obligates equal pay for equal value (Nigeria ratified in 1974)[7].  Model: Sierra Leone’s Equality Act 2022 mandates equal pay and non-discrimination, helping it score 100 on WBL Pay[6].
Childcare	Legal: Law recognizes childcare provision in principle[8], but no support for families (no subsidies, tax credits) and no support for providers[9]. No statutory quality standards for childcare services[10]. Policy: No public childcare programs for children <3 years; no budget allocation for early childcare infrastructure. Parents largely rely on informal care.	Childcare legal frameworks are underdeveloped across WCA. Few countries offer any financial support for childcare. Most have no regulations on service quality, contributing to low formal enrollment. (Globally, only ~20% of countries ensure childcare provision for under-3s[11]; WCA is even lower.)	ILO & Beijing Platform: Call for affordable childcare to enable women’s work. Model: Mauritius provides subsidized daycare and sets childcare center standards (contributing to high female employment)[12][13]. Rwanda and Kenya offer tax incentives for employer-provided childcare.
Entrepreneurship	Legal: Women can start businesses on equal terms (no formal gender bar)[14], but no law prohibits gender-based discrimination in access to credit[15]. No mandates for women’s inclusion in corporate boards or government procurement[16]. Policy: Limited targeted support for women entrepreneurs – e.g. no official quota or preference in public contracts; no national fund or guarantee scheme tailored to women-owned SMEs (only small-scale initiatives).	WCA countries are beginning to adopt measures (e.g. Ghana’s Affirmative Finance programs, Liberia’s 5% procurement preference for women-owned firms – though many are informal policies). Overall, women-led businesses face financing gaps and underrepresentation in supply chains.	CEDAW Art.13: urges equal access to financial services. Models: Togo: near gender-equal legal framework (75 on WBL Entrepreneurship)[17], with no restrictions on women’s business activities.  Kenya (ESA): 30% of public procurement reserved for women/youth (policy measure). Sierra Leone: upcoming programs under GEWE Act to improve women’s access to credit and skills.

Table 1: Summary of Gaps and Benchmarks in Four Key Domains. Sources: WBL 2024 data[18][19]; international conventions; national laws. Regional examples in WCA/SSA as noted.

Legal and Policy Gaps in Focus Areas

Safety: Gender-Based Violence and Harassment

Ensuring women’s safety – at home, in public, and in the workplace – is foundational to their economic agency. In Nigeria, the legal framework for protecting women from violence and harassment is mixed. On one hand, Lagos State (the reference jurisdiction for WBL) has enacted laws addressing domestic violence (the Protection Against Domestic Violence Law 2007) and sexual harassment (covered via provisions in the Lagos Criminal Law 2011 and civil procedure rules). Child marriage is legally prohibited (Marriage Act and Lagos State Child Rights Law set 18 as the minimum marriage age). These laws contribute to Nigeria’s Safety legal index score of 75 out of 100[20]. On the other hand, critical gaps remain: there is no specific law criminalizing “femicide” (gender-motivated killing of women), and existing sexual harassment provisions are fragmented (no single comprehensive statute, but rather a patchwork of criminal, labor, and cybercrime laws). Moreover, many Nigerian states outside Lagos have yet to domesticate the federal Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act of 2015, meaning protections against domestic violence and marital rape are uneven nationwide.

Perhaps more troubling are the policy and enforcement gaps. Nigeria scored 0 on the WBL Safety supportive frameworks index[21][22], indicating an absence of the institutional mechanisms that turn laws on paper into reality. There is no government-developed national action plan or “comprehensive mechanism” to address violence against women[23], nor special court procedures (e.g. fast-track courts or victim support protocols) for sexual harassment cases[24]. There is no single government entity charged with coordinating VAW response and monitoring services[25]. Likewise, no dedicated budget is allocated annually for gender-based violence prevention or survivor support programs[26] – meaning shelters, hotlines, and public awareness campaigns (if they exist at all) are under-funded and often driven by NGOs. These deficiencies severely limit the impact of the laws that do exist: for instance, even though domestic violence is illegal in Lagos, enforcement is weak without training and resources for police and courts, and without safe havens for survivors.

Regional context: Nigeria’s challenges in this area are reflective of broader trends in Western and Central Africa. Over the past decade, many WCA countries have enacted laws against domestic violence and sexual offenses (e.g. Ghana, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Cameroon all have legislation addressing domestic or sexual violence). However, specific femicide laws are virtually nonexistent in the region – countries typically prosecute femicides under general homicide laws, which may not capture the gender-driven nature of the crime. Sexual harassment laws are also rare or limited; most WCA nations, like Nigeria, lack stand-alone legislation covering harassment in workplaces or public spaces. The result is that while legal prohibitions of violence exist on paper, women in WCA continue to experience high rates of intimate partner violence and sexual harassment with limited recourse. Enforcement remains an Achilles’ heel due to resource constraints and cultural norms that discourage reporting. One notable outlier is Sierra Leone, which has taken steps to strengthen enforcement by establishing Family Support Units in police stations to handle domestic violence and sexual assault cases, and by adopting a Sexual Offenses Act in 2012 that broadened definitions of rape and abuse. Togo has likewise introduced stricter penalties for gender-based violence in its penal code reforms (2015) and has a national gender policy that acknowledges GBV, but implementation is ongoing. These regional efforts underscore a growing recognition in WCA that legal reform must be paired with concrete enforcement mechanisms and public-sector commitment.

Global standards: International frameworks call for robust action on gender-based violence. The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995) identifies violence against women as a critical area of concern, urging states to adopt and enforce laws, establish support services, and train public officials. Nigeria, as a signatory, is expected to “take integrated measures to prevent and eliminate violence against women.” Similarly, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and its General Recommendation 19 (now updated by GR 35) affirm that gender-based violence is a form of discrimination that states must address through legislation, prevention, and protection. Nigeria has ratified CEDAW, obligating it to pursue policies to eliminate discrimination “in all its forms”, including violence (though Nigeria has yet to incorporate CEDAW fully into domestic law). The International Labour Organization’s Violence and Harassment Convention, 2019 (No. 190) is another key standard – notably, Nigeria became the 22nd country (and 4th in Africa) to ratify ILO C190 in November 2022[27][28]. This commits Nigeria to implement laws and measures to prevent and address violence and harassment in the world of work. As of 2024, however, Nigeria has not yet enacted corresponding national legislation to give effect to C190. The gap between these global standards and Nigeria’s on-the-ground reality is apparent: while the international consensus demands comprehensive protection for women’s safety, Nigeria’s legal protections are partial and policy support is lacking. Bridging this gap will require Nigeria to both strengthen its laws (e.g. explicitly outlaw all forms of GBV and harassment) and build the institutional muscle to enforce those laws (dedicated agencies, funding, and coordination)[29].

Pay: Equal Remuneration and Workplace Equality

Women’s economic empowerment hinges on fairness in pay and employment opportunities. In Nigeria, legal equality in pay and employment remains incomplete. There is no explicit law mandating equal remuneration for women and men for work of equal value. The Nigerian Labour Act (1971) and other labor regulations do not contain provisions requiring employers to pay women the same as men for work of comparable value – a fundamental gap given persistent gender wage disparities. Nigeria scores only 50 on the WBL “Pay” indicator[20], reflecting this missing guarantee. Additionally, Nigeria lacks a comprehensive anti-discrimination law in employment: there is no broad prohibition of gender discrimination in hiring, promotions, or terms and conditions of work. While the 1999 Constitution (Section 42) prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex, this has not been operationalized into specific labor legislation or an effective enforcement mechanism for private sector employment. As a result, employers may legally prefer or pay men more than women in many scenarios without clear legal repercussions, aside from general constitutional recourse which is seldom utilized in labor disputes.

Furthermore, Nigeria does not require pay transparency or reporting, tools which many countries are now using to proactively close gender pay gaps. There is no legal requirement for companies to disclose gender-disaggregated wage data or examine pay equity internally. There are also no legal provisions for employees to inquire about colleagues’ pay to challenge potential discrimination. The WBL 2.0 supportive framework data confirms Nigeria has 0 out of 100 on pay-supportive measures[19] – indicating no policies like pay equity taskforces, wage audits, or pay-gap action plans are in place. In practice, Nigeria’s gender pay gap (estimated at around 28% in favor of men in recent surveys) remains largely unaddressed by law or policy. Notably, Nigeria also provides no statutory maternity benefits paid by the government (maternity leave in the private sector is employer-paid and limited to 12 weeks by law, which is below the 14-week international standard)[30]. This indirectly affects pay and career continuity for women, as inadequate maternity leave and lack of public payment can lead to income loss or job exit for new mothers – although this falls under the WBL “Parenthood” indicator, it closely interlinks with pay equality.

Regional context: Across Western and Central Africa, the pay and workplace equality landscape is gradually improving, but significant gaps persist. A majority of WCA countries historically did not mandate equal pay for equal work/value – however, recent reforms show progress. Sierra Leone provides an instructive example: in 2022, it passed the Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment (GEWE) Act and a new Labor Act (2023) which explicitly require equal remuneration and ban gender discrimination in employment. Consequently, Sierra Leone now attains a perfect 100 score on WBL’s Pay indicator[6]. Togo and Benin have also strengthened their labor codes in the last decade to include nondiscrimination clauses and principles of equal pay, aligning with their near-perfect WBL scores in this area[31]. In contrast, other large economies like Ghana and Cameroon still lack explicit equal pay laws (Ghana’s Labor Act has general equality provisions but no specific equal pay clause). Enforcement is a common challenge – labor inspectorates in the region are often understaffed and do not prioritize gender pay disparities. Moreover, informal employment is widespread (especially for women), and legal protections in the formal sector often don’t reach the majority. One anomaly in the region is Rwanda (though in East Africa, not WCA), which has aggressively pursued gender equality policies and reports one of the smallest gender wage gaps in Africa; its approach underscores how political will plus legal reform can yield results. Overall, WCA’s average WBL “Pay” score is low, dragging down the region’s overall performance[2]. The common threads are the lack of robust legal mandates and the absence of supporting measures like pay transparency or affirmative action, though a few pioneers (Sierra Leone, Togo) illustrate that change is underway.

Global standards: The principle of “equal pay for work of equal value” is enshrined in international law. Nigeria ratified the ILO Equal Remuneration Convention, 1951 (No. 100) in 1974[7], committing to uphold equal pay in national law and practice. Likewise, the ILO Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention, 1958 (No. 111) – ratified by Nigeria in 2002 – requires prohibition of employment discrimination (including on the basis of sex). These conventions set clear global benchmarks that Nigeria has formally accepted but not yet fully implemented domestically. CEDAW’s Article 11 also obligates states to ensure equality in employment, including “the right to equal remuneration… and to equal treatment in respect of work of equal value.” Nigeria’s failure to enact a comprehensive equality law is thus a breach of these obligations. The Beijing Platform urges states to “eliminate occupational segregation and all forms of employment discrimination” and to implement equal pay measures. In many countries, these international norms have spurred proactive policies: for example, Germany and France now require large firms to report pay gap data and address disparities, and Canada and Iceland have pay equity laws enforcing wage parity in male- vs female-dominated jobs. In Africa, a number of countries (e.g. South Africa, Kenya) have integrated pay equality into their labor legislation and set up oversight bodies. For Nigeria to meet global standards, it must move beyond rhetorical commitment to actual legislative reform – specifically, to amend its labor laws to prohibit gender wage discrimination and require equal pay, and to back this with monitoring (e.g. labor inspectors trained in identifying pay discrimination) and penalties for non-compliance. Until such steps are taken, Nigerian women will continue to face structural pay inequities that diminish their lifetime earnings and economic security.

Childcare: Support for Working Parents and Early Childhood Services

Accessible and quality childcare is a linchpin for women’s economic empowerment, enabling mothers (and fathers) to participate in the workforce while knowing their children are safe and nurtured. In Nigeria, the formal childcare support system is largely absent, leaving a vast gap that undermines women’s employment prospects. Legally, Nigeria’s WBL 2.0 Childcare indicator score is only 25 out of 100[20]. The only point in Nigeria’s favor is that the law nominally establishes that childcare services can be provided: the Child’s Rights Act 2003 (a federal law) and the Lagos State Child Rights Law 2007 include provisions stating that government should provide and regulate daycare/early childhood centers[8]. However, these provisions are not backed by concrete implementing regulations or nationwide coverage – indeed, many Nigerian states have not adopted the Child’s Rights Act, and those that have often lack enforcement capacity. Crucially, no law in Nigeria guarantees any form of financial support or relief for childcare. For example, there are no childcare subsidies, vouchers, or tax deductions for families to offset childcare costs[9]. Likewise, no support is mandated for non-state childcare providers (such as grants or training for daycare centers)[32]. This means the burden of organizing and paying for childcare falls entirely on families, and in practice, mostly on women (who often must rely on relatives or informal minders).

Additionally, Nigeria lacks legal quality standards for childcare services[33]. There are no national regulations specifying caregiver-to-child ratios, safety requirements, early education curriculum, or licensing criteria for daycare centers for children under 3. The result is a largely unregulated daycare sector in urban areas and scarce to non-existent formal childcare in rural areas. Employers are not required to provide or support childcare (e.g. there is no law like in some countries where large employers must run a crèche or pay into a childcare fund). The absence of public or employer-supported childcare, combined with short maternity leave and no paternity leave, forces many women to either exit the workforce or resort to suboptimal care arrangements for their young children. It is therefore unsurprising that Nigeria’s female labor force participation rate remains around 48%, significantly lower than men’s (and below the sub-Saharan average), with childcare responsibilities cited as a major barrier.

Regional context: Nigeria is not alone – Western and Central Africa has some of the lowest levels of formal childcare provision in the world. The WBL data confirms a broad regional pattern: virtually no WCA country currently offers robust childcare support in law. Even top performers like Togo and Sierra Leone score 0 on the Childcare indicator[34][35], indicating that they, too, lack provisions on childcare services, subsidies, or quality standards. In many WCA societies, childcare is traditionally seen as a private family matter rather than a public policy issue, which has delayed legislative action. A few countries have begun to recognize the need for change – for instance, Côte d’Ivoire recently included daycare promotion in its national gender policy, and Senegal has piloted community early childhood centers, but these are policy programs rather than enforceable legal entitlements. The coverage of organized childcare for under-3-year-olds in WCA is extremely low, contributing to women’s lower employment rates. One commonality is that extended family networks historically filled the childcare role; however, with urbanization and nuclear families, this support is less reliable, and the policy vacuum is more keenly felt. Notably, some Southern African countries like Mauritius and South Africa have more advanced childcare systems (Mauritius, though outside WCA, mandates government provision of early childcare and enforces standards, achieving a high WBL childcare score)[12][13]. These examples are increasingly cited in African regional forums as models to emulate. In WCA, the conversation is just beginning – recognizing that without childcare services, initiatives to increase women’s workforce participation or entrepreneurship will have limited success. Encouragingly, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Gender Strategy (2020) identifies expansion of childcare services as a priority, signaling growing regional commitment to address this long-neglected issue.

Implications and synergies: It’s important to note the strong evidence base linking childcare support to women’s economic outcomes. Research highlighted in the WBL2024 report shows that countries which enact childcare laws see an increase in women’s labor force participation – on the order of a 1 percentage point rise in the short term, growing to 3–4 points over time[13]. Access to childcare also helps combat restrictive gender norms, as women gain greater freedom to work and men are encouraged to share caregiving roles[36]. Conversely, lack of childcare traps many women in unpaid domestic roles, reinforcing economic dependency. There are also intergenerational benefits: children who attend quality early childhood programs have improved developmental outcomes, which contributes to a stronger future workforce[37]. In short, investment in childcare is a win-win – boosting current economic productivity and long-term human capital.

Global standards: International agreements increasingly frame childcare as a state responsibility. The Beijing Platform for Action urges governments to “provide accessible and affordable quality childcare facilities” as part of enabling women to balance work and family. The ILO Workers with Family Responsibilities Convention, 1981 (No. 156), though not ratified by Nigeria, lays out that caregiving should be a shared responsibility of society and calls for supports to workers with children. The ILO’s more recent work-family guidelines (and research by the World Bank) emphasize the need to close the “care gap” for children under 3 – currently, only 2 in 10 potential parents worldwide live in countries with a legal right to childcare for infants/toddlers[11]. Nigeria, like most of Africa, falls in the majority that do not guarantee this. A mere 10% of the world’s potential parents have access to publicly organized childcare for under-3s[11], a statistic that underscores how far behind the policy curve Nigeria (and many peers) are. However, emerging global good practices offer models Nigeria can draw from: Brazil and Chile have laws mandating free public daycare from infancy, Sweden and Germany subsidize childcare heavily and cap fees as a percentage of household income, and nearer home, Kenya is experimenting with employer incentives for providing childcare. Moreover, incorporating childcare into the national social protection strategy (for example, including daycare in poverty alleviation programs or as part of universal basic services) is increasingly seen as essential for sustainable development. Nigeria’s commitments under the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG 5 on gender equality and SDG 8 on decent work) implicitly include expanding care services. In sum, aligning Nigeria’s approach with global standards will mean establishing childcare as part of basic infrastructure for economic growth – much like schools or healthcare – rather than leaving it to individual families.

Entrepreneurship: Women’s Access to Credit and Markets

Entrepreneurship is a pathway for women to create jobs and wealth, but legal and institutional barriers often impede women-owned businesses. In Nigeria, women entrepreneurs face a mixed landscape of equal rights formally but unequal supports practically. On paper, Nigerian law does not restrict women from forming companies, signing contracts, or opening bank accounts – women can undertake commercial activities on the same legal footing as men[14]. This is reflected in Nigeria’s legacy WBL “Entrepreneurship” score of 75 (under the old index)[38]. However, the newer WBL 2.0 data which incorporates additional criteria reveals a lower legal frameworks score of 25 for Entrepreneurship[20]. The drop is due to absence of laws that proactively promote women’s entrepreneurship. Notably, Nigeria has no law that prohibits gender-based discrimination in access to credit[15]. Banks and lenders are not explicitly forbidden from treating female loan applicants differently (for example, requiring a male guarantor – a common practice in some places – or denying loans due to gendered assumptions). By contrast, a few countries have started to include such non-discrimination clauses in banking or credit laws, but Nigeria has yet to do so. Furthermore, Nigeria does not mandate any gender quota for corporate boards – there is no requirement for companies to include women in board leadership (some countries, like France and Kenya, have quotas or targets, but Nigeria relies on voluntary or market-driven inclusion, which has led to women holding only an estimated 19% of board seats in top companies). Likewise, no legislation exists regarding gender-responsive government procurement[16]. This means public procurement processes in Nigeria do not have set-asides or preferences for women-owned businesses, nor requirements to track or report the share of contracts awarded to them. Given that government procurement is a huge market, the lack of affirmative access measures leaves women-owned SMEs at a disadvantage, often unable to compete with established, male-dominated firms.

In terms of supportive frameworks, Nigeria scores 33.3/100 for Entrepreneurship support[39], suggesting only a small fraction of recommended supports are present. Possible positives might include some collection of sex-disaggregated data on business ownership (Nigeria’s Corporate Affairs Commission has begun to gather data on female directors, for instance, which could be counted as a supportive measure)[40]. There are also a few government or quasi-government programs aimed at women entrepreneurs – for example, the Central Bank of Nigeria had a Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises Development Fund with a portion reserved for women, and the Bank of Industry runs some financing schemes for women. However, these initiatives are policy-based and not enshrined in law, and their scale is limited relative to need. Nigeria lacks an institutionalized strategy for female entrepreneurship. There is no dedicated government entity focusing on women-owned business promotion (such as an agency or council), and no consistent budget allocation for such programs. The environment remains such that women often have smaller enterprises concentrated in informal sectors, with lower access to capital and markets than male counterparts.

Regional context: In WCA, women entrepreneurs encounter similar hurdles. Legal gender parity in basic business rights is largely achieved in many countries – for example, no country in the region outright bars women from registering a business or owning property (those types of restrictions have been mostly eliminated). The differentiators now are the “extra step” policies to foster women-led businesses. Few WCA countries have moved decisively in this regard, but there are some bright spots. Togo stands out for having nearly gender-equal entrepreneurship laws (it scored 75 on Entrepreneurship legal frameworks)[41], meaning it likely has a couple of the proactive measures in place – potentially a law against gender discrimination in credit, given Togo’s overall high WBL score, and no legal barriers like spousal consent requirements. Ivory Coast (Côte d’Ivoire) in 2019 reformed its family law to remove the requirement that husbands authorize their wives’ business activities, which boosted women’s autonomy. On the policy side, Ghana and Nigeria have both hosted the regional Affirmative Finance Action for Women in Africa (AFAWA) program (an AfDB initiative) to improve women SMEs’ access to finance, but again this is programmatic support, not embedded in national law. Liberia passed a Small Business Empowerment Act in 2014 that includes a 5% procurement preference for women-owned businesses – one of the few legal procurement preferences in the region (though implementation has been slow). Meanwhile, Sierra Leone’s new GEWE Act 2022 aims for 30% of government procurement opportunities to go to women-owned enterprises[42], alongside mandates for women’s inclusion in decision-making roles. If enforced, that will be a game-changer in Sierra Leone’s business landscape and could serve as a model for Nigeria. Overall, WCA shows a pattern: general legal equality exists, but specific measures to uplift female entrepreneurs are nascent. Cultural factors (like women’s limited collateral due to land ownership customs) also play a role in constraining entrepreneurship. However, an encouraging sign is that data collection on women in business is improving – for example, several countries now track the percentage of businesses owned by women, which can inform policy. WBL data notes whether sex-disaggregated entrepreneurship data is published; Nigeria could improve here by regularly reporting statistics on women’s business participation[40] as a basis for targeted interventions.

Global standards and best practices: Under CEDAW (Article 13), states must ensure women have equal access to “financial credit” and the same rights to “bank loans, mortgages and other forms of financial credit.” This clearly implies removing discriminatory barriers in lending. Many countries have embedded this principle – for instance, Mexico’s financial law prohibits gender discrimination by creditors, and India has priority-sector lending requirements that benefit women entrepreneurs. The concept of gender-responsive procurement is championed by UN Women and was highlighted in the Beijing+25 discussions: the idea is that governments should leverage their buying power to support women-owned businesses, which can dramatically increase those businesses’ revenues and capacity. Countries like Kenya (though not in WCA) have pioneered this with a government policy reserving 30% of public procurement for businesses owned by women, youth, or persons with disabilities. In the corporate sphere, corporate governance codes in some jurisdictions (e.g. in the EU or Malaysia) either mandate or strongly encourage a minimum number of women on boards – not just for equity, but because diverse leadership is linked to better company performance. While Nigeria’s corporate governance code encourages diversity, without a mandate progress has been slow. Another global best practice is establishing women’s entrepreneurship funds or banks: e.g. Bangladesh has women-only bank branches and loan products; Tunisia and Morocco have special guarantee funds for women entrepreneurs. These initiatives often require public-private coordination and legal underpinning. For Nigeria, aligning with these emerging global practices would mean codifying non-discrimination in lending, possibly introducing incentives or requirements for banks to lend to female-led enterprises (especially important since women often lack traditional collateral), and institutionalizing support programs (for instance, via a law that establishes a Women Enterprise Development Fund with annual budget allocation). International financial institutions are increasingly supportive of such measures, offering funding and technical assistance. Emulating model reforms from Sierra Leone and Togo – which have moved to implement quotas and equal rights – Nigeria can foster an environment where women entrepreneurs are not just legally allowed to operate, but are actively encouraged and enabled to succeed.

International Frameworks and Model Country Approaches

To gauge Nigeria’s progress and chart a path forward, it is useful to benchmark its laws against international treaty obligations and learn from successful reforms in peer countries. Below we connect the gaps identified with the relevant global standards and highlight how Sierra Leone and Togo – two West African nations making notable strides – have approached similar issues:

• CEDAW and Women’s Rights Treaties: Nigeria’s commitments under CEDAW (ratified in 1985) span all the areas discussed. In addition to CEDAW Articles 11 and 13 on employment, pay, and economic opportunities, Article 5 obliges states to address gender stereotypes (which underpin issues like childcare being seen as solely women’s duty) and Article 16 calls for equality in marriage and family life (relevant to domestic violence and child marriage). Nigeria has also signed the Maputo Protocol (African Union’s Protocol on Women’s Rights in Africa), which explicitly requires state parties to enact legislation to ensure equal pay and to combat violence against women (Article 13 and Article 4 respectively). The Beijing Declaration (1995), though non-binding, further emphasizes these points and adds a commitment to provide services such as childcare and support women’s enterprise development. The ILO conventions mentioned earlier (No. 100, 111, 156, 183 on Maternity Protection, 190 on Violence and Harassment) are specific benchmarks. For instance, ILO Convention 183 recommends at least 14 weeks maternity leave with cash benefits – a standard Nigeria falls short of (providing 12 weeks, mostly unpaid by government)[30]. The gap analysis clearly shows Nigeria has not yet translated many of these international norms into its national laws: e.g., no equal pay law (contrary to C100), no comprehensive anti-violence law covering workplaces (contrary to C190’s spirit), and no guaranteed childcare services (contrary to the Beijing Platform’s guidance). This creates both an impetus and a roadmap for reform: by domesticating these treaties’ provisions – essentially using them as a template – Nigeria can confidently move towards global best practice. Indeed, Annex I of the WBL2024 legal frameworks (and related appendices) map each WBL question to international standards; for example, the presence of a sexual harassment law aligns with compliance to C190 and CEDAW GR19, while provision of childcare links to ILO and Beijing commitments. Nigeria can leverage these frameworks to justify and design reforms.
• Sierra Leone’s Approach: Sierra Leone, a fellow West African nation, provides a compelling case of rapid legal reform to improve women’s economic empowerment. In 2022, Sierra Leone passed the Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment (GEWE) Act, which has been lauded as landmark legislation. This Act introduced a minimum 30% quota for women in both public sector employment and private sector leadership positions (including boards)[43][42]. It also requires equal pay for equal work, non-discrimination in employment (with penalties for companies that violate this), and extends maternity leave to 14 weeks with government cost-sharing – directly addressing “Pay” and “Workplace” issues. To aid women entrepreneurs, the GEWE Act mandates that 30% of government procurement contracts be awarded to women-owned businesses[42], a bold step to open market access. Additionally, Sierra Leone updated its labor law in 2023, which included explicit prohibitions of sexual harassment in employment and stronger protections for pregnant workers (e.g. prohibiting dismissal on grounds of pregnancy)[44]. On safety, Sierra Leone has had a Domestic Violence Act since 2007 and a Sexual Offenses Act (amended in 2019 to impose harsher sentences for rape), and while it does not have a specific femicide law (scoring 75 on WBL Safety like Nigeria)[45], it has demonstrated commitment through enforcement measures and public campaigns (the First Lady’s “Hands Off Our Girls” initiative against GBV, for example). One area Sierra Leone still lags is childcare – as seen by its 0 score there[34] – but recognizing this, the government has begun exploring early childhood education policies. The key takeaway from Sierra Leone is the value of comprehensive legislation tackling multiple issues at once (the GEWE Act addresses employment, finance, and decision-making simultaneously) and backing it with political will. The reforms were driven by evidence (including WBL data and advocacy by women’s groups) and tied to international commitments, making a strong case to Parliament. Nigeria can draw from Sierra Leone’s experience that high-level political commitment and an all-in-one omnibus gender equality law can overcome longstanding barriers. The GEWE Act’s implementation will be closely watched, but early signs (such as increased budget allocation for its measures and formation of a Gender Equality Commission to monitor compliance) are positive.
• Togo’s Approach: Togo has emerged as a regional leader in WBL rankings, with a legal frameworks score of 77.5 and an overall WBL 1.0 score of 97.5 (highest in Africa)[46]. Over the past decade, Togo undertook a series of legal reforms: in 2012, it reformed its Persons and Family Code, removing discriminatory provisions (e.g. it abolished the requirement for a husband’s authorization for his wife’s business or job, and granted equal rights in choosing the marital home – contributing to 100 in WBL “Marriage”[41]). Togo introduced a dedicated law on domestic violence (2015) which, while not labeled “femicide”, increased penalties for spousal homicide and made domestic violence a specific offense. In 2017, Togo adopted a new Labor Code that explicitly prohibits gender discrimination in employment and mandates equal pay for equal work, aligning with ILO standards. This propelled Togo to 100 on WBL “Pay” and “Workplace”. On the entrepreneurship front, Togo has no legal impediments for women and, importantly, it reformed its credit framework: the country’s banking law now includes gender among protected categories for non-discrimination[47] (meaning lenders theoretically cannot deny credit based on gender). Togo has also been promoting women’s access to finance through initiatives like the Support Fund for Women’s Income-Generating Activities (FAFI) and by requiring that at least 20% of a new entrepreneurship support program beneficiaries be women – again, not enshrined in law, but showing policy attention. Like others, Togo currently has no childcare law (0 score)[48] and limited formal childcare provision, so that remains a gap. However, with such high scores elsewhere, Togo demonstrates that steady, multi-sector legal reforms yield tangible progress. It also illustrates how aligning national laws with international standards (Togo is party to CEDAW, and its reforms clearly reflect CEDAW’s mandates) can drive a near-complete legal equality framework. One lesson for Nigeria is Togo’s sequencing: Togo prioritized areas like marriage (eliminating archaic patriarchal rules), then workplace equality, then parental benefits and pensions (Togo also has 100 in Parenthood and Pension after raising maternity leave to 6 months paid and equalizing retirement ages)[41]. By tackling each domain methodically, Togo now only really needs to address childcare to achieve full parity. Nigeria, which has strengths in some areas (e.g. Nigeria already has 100 in Marriage and strong scores in Assets and Pension)[38], can aim to emulate Togo in the weaker areas (Safety, Pay, Entrepreneurship) by closing the legal gaps identified.

In summary, Nigeria stands at a crossroads: international frameworks provide clear direction and peer nations offer practical examples of reform. Sierra Leone shows that bold legislative packages and quotas can accelerate change even in a low-income country. Togo proves that adherence to global standards piece by piece is attainable and beneficial. For Nigeria, a country with larger economy and institutional capacity, the challenge is less about what to do – as the blueprint is visible – and more about generating the political will and public support to do it. Aligning with CEDAW, ILO conventions, and the examples of neighbors will not only improve Nigeria’s WBL scores but, more importantly, will improve real outcomes for Nigerian women and the economy.

Policy Recommendations for Nigeria (Action Plan)

Moving from diagnosis to action, Nigeria should pursue a multipronged reform agenda addressing legal gaps, enforcement mechanisms, institutional capacity, and resource allocation. Below is a set of specific, feasible recommendations – grounded in international best practices but tailored to Nigeria’s context – to improve Safety, Pay, Childcare, and Entrepreneurship outcomes for women. These recommendations also highlight synergies between domains (for example, how childcare support reinforces women’s employment and safety). The goal is an integrated approach: combining law reform (to establish rights and standards) with implementation measures (to ensure those rights are realized in practice).

1. Strengthen and Enforce Laws on Women’s Safety

• Enact Comprehensive GBV Legislation: Develop a federal Violence Against Women Act that consolidates and strengthens protections against all forms of gender-based violence. This law should criminalize domestic violence (in all states/jurisdictions), introduce a specific offense of femicide (with enhanced penalties for gender-motivated killings), and comprehensively ban sexual harassment in workplaces, schools, and public spaces[29]. It should align with ILO Convention 190 and CEDAW provisions by covering both the formal workplace and informal sector, and by defining harassment broadly (physical, sexual, psychological). This act can build on the existing VAPP Act (2015) but expand its reach nationwide and fill gaps (e.g. include provisions for sexual harassment in employment which the VAPP Act lacks).
• Mandatory Workplace Policies: Require medium and large employers (e.g. companies with >20 employees) to adopt anti-sexual harassment policies and internal complaint mechanisms. Laws or regulations should mandate training on sexual harassment prevention, the designation of a confidential reporting channel or officer, and protection from retaliation for complainants. This will operationalize harassment prohibitions at the workplace level. The government can provide model policy templates to ease compliance for businesses.
• Specialized Enforcement Units: Establish and/or strengthen special units in law enforcement and courts for GBV cases. For instance, expand the presence of Family Support Units or gender desks in police stations across all states (building on the model used in Lagos and by the Nigeria Police’s gender unit) to handle domestic violence and sexual assault complaints with appropriate sensitivity. Similarly, designate specific judges or court sections to fast-track GBV cases (reducing the time and trauma for survivors in seeking justice)[23]. Training for police, prosecutors, and judges on handling GBV should be institutionalized (e.g. part of Police College and Judicial Institute curricula). These measures address enforcement gaps and encourage reporting by improving survivor confidence in the system.
• Coordinating Agency and Monitoring: Create a National Gender-Based Violence Coordination Council or empower an existing body (such as the Federal Ministry of Women Affairs’ department on gender) to coordinate all GBV efforts. This body should develop a National Action Plan on GBV (if not already updated) that sets targets for prevention (e.g. public awareness, community engagement to change norms) and response (services for survivors). It would also monitor implementation of GBV laws across states. Crucially, back this with a dedicated annual budget – e.g. allocate funds for GBV response in federal and state budgets, such as funding shelters, free legal aid for survivors, and a national GBV helpline[26]. Nigeria should ensure a line item for GBV programs (at least meeting the minimum commitments under initiatives like the Maputo Protocol which calls for budgetary action). Regular monitoring reports (perhaps annual “State of GBV Response” reports to the National Assembly) should be mandated to hold institutions accountable.
• Community and Men’s Engagement: Though primarily a policy step, it’s worth including – partner with civil society and traditional/community leaders to run nationwide campaigns against domestic violence and sexual harassment, targeting behavioral change. Encourage initiatives that engage men as allies (e.g. the HeForShe campaign or local programs by religious institutions) to address the cultural norms enabling violence. While not a “law,” such programs complement legal reforms by strengthening enforcement (through public buy-in) and enhancing safety outcomes in the long run.

2. Achieve Pay Equity and Workplace Equality

• Pass an Equal Pay and Non-Discrimination Law: Introduce amendments to the Labour Act or a standalone Gender Equal Opportunities in Employment law to guarantee equal remuneration for work of equal value and prohibit all forms of gender discrimination in employment. This law should cover hiring, promotions, training, terminations, and remuneration. It should provide employees the right to lodge complaints (with the Ministry of Labour or an Equality Commission) if they suspect pay discrimination or unfair treatment. Including a clear definition of “work of equal value” (per ILO guidance) and granting labor inspectors authority to inspect pay records would strengthen the mandate. Nigeria’s Federal Ministry of Labour can draft this in consultation with employers’ and workers’ organizations, to ensure practicality.
• Pay Transparency Measures: Require large employers (initially, say companies above 50 employees) to report on gender pay gaps or at least on average salaries by gender and grade. This could be done through annual filings to a regulatory body (perhaps linked with existing corporate annual reports) and/or internal disclosure to employees. Over time, consider mandating that companies above a certain size publish an “Gender Pay Gap Statement” and action plan if gaps exceed a threshold. International experience (UK, France) shows transparency nudges companies toward closing unjustified gaps[49][50]. Additionally, protect workers’ rights to discuss wages – include in law that employer policies cannot forbid employees from sharing pay information, as secrecy often hides discrimination.
• Strengthen Maternity and Introduce Paternity Leave: Although this overlaps with “Parenthood” indicator, it’s highly relevant to pay and career equality. Extend the statutory maternity leave to at least 14 weeks (from current 12) and gradually move toward the ILO standard of 18 weeks. Importantly, shift toward government-funded maternity benefits, even if partial – for example, a social insurance scheme or government reimbursement to employers for a portion of maternity wages. This removes the disincentive for employers to hire women. Prohibit dismissal of pregnant workers or those on maternity leave explicitly by law (if not already clear)[51]. Moreover, introduce paternity leave (at least 5-10 days initially) for fathers and consider a portion of parental leave that is sharable, to incentivize fathers’ involvement at home. Evidence shows that when fathers take leave, it reduces the motherhood penalty and helps normalize women returning to work. These reforms would improve Nigeria’s score from 0 on Parenthood and also reinforce pay equity by keeping women attached to the labor force with equal rights.
• Labor Inspection and Remedies: Invest in the capacity of the labor inspectorate and industrial courts to enforce anti-discrimination and equal pay provisions. This includes training labor inspectors to identify subtle forms of discrimination (e.g. women being steered to lower paying roles) and to audit wage records for potential equal pay issues. Establish easily accessible dispute resolution mechanisms – for instance, empower the Industrial Arbitration Panel or the National Industrial Court to handle pay discrimination claims quickly, perhaps even through a specialized Equal Opportunity tribunal. Remedies in cases of proven discrimination should be meaningful: back pay, compensation for emotional distress, and penalties for the employer. Publicize these enforcement outcomes to signal that violations will be taken seriously.
• Encourage Diversity & Leadership Programs: While quotas in private sector may be contentious, Nigeria can encourage or incentivize companies to increase women’s representation in managerial and board positions (which helps address pay gaps at senior levels). For example, the Corporate Affairs Commission could require disclosure of gender composition of boards in annual returns, and the government could give recognition awards or advantages (like in procurement scoring) to gender-diverse companies. Additionally, support mentorship and leadership training programs for women in high-paying fields (STEM, finance) – possibly via public-private partnerships. Such initiatives, while voluntary, complement legal mandates by building a pipeline of women qualified for top positions, gradually reducing the glass ceiling that contributes to overall gender pay gaps.

3. Expand Childcare Support and Early Education

• Establish a National Childcare Framework: Formulate and pass a National Childcare Act (or incorporate into existing education laws) that formally establishes affordable childcare as a public service. This law should mandate that center-based childcare services be available for children from infancy up to preschool age (0–3 years as a focus, to fill the critical gap before school entry)[52][53]. The law can set a timeline and targets – for example, within five years, every local government area should have at least one accredited early childcare center supported by the government. It should also empower relevant ministries (Women Affairs, Education, or a new Early Childhood Development Agency) to license and regulate childcare providers.
• Financial Support for Families and Providers: Integrate childcare subsidies or tax incentives into the framework. Options include a direct subsidy/voucher for low-income families to use at licensed daycare centers, or tax credits for childcare expenses for working parents. Nigeria could start by piloting in major cities a voucher scheme for women working in the formal sector who need daycare, then expand as budget allows. Simultaneously, provide incentives for providers: for example, grants or low-interest loans for entrepreneurs (often women) to set up quality daycare centers, especially in underserved areas[54]. The law should explicitly authorize such support mechanisms so that each year’s budget can allocate funds (e.g. through the Universal Basic Education Commission or a Social Investment Program) towards childcare services. Even a modest subsidy can significantly increase access – global evidence shows lowering childcare costs directly increases mothers’ employment[13].
• Quality Standards and Training: Develop and enforce minimum quality standards for all childcare centers[55]. This should cover caregiver qualifications (e.g. requiring a basic certification in early childhood care), child-to-caregiver ratios, health and safety protocols (sanitation, nutrition, safe facilities), and curricular guidelines for early stimulation. A regulatory inspectorate should conduct periodic inspections. To support compliance, the government can fund training programs for childcare workers, possibly through polytechnics or vocational institutes offering an early childhood care certificate. Improved standards will ensure children’s well-being and give parents confidence to utilize formal childcare, thereby encouraging uptake.
• Employer-Provided Childcare Encouragement: Amend labor regulations to encourage employers to support childcare. For instance, provide tax breaks or other incentives to companies that establish on-site daycare or consortium daycare for their employees’ children. Nigeria could institute a policy (if not immediately a strict law) that firms above a certain size either provide a daycare facility or contribute to a dedicated childcare fund. Such policies exist in countries like India and Brazil. Even voluntary encouragement, coupled with recognition, can nudge larger employers (banks, telecoms, etc.) to pilot childcare centers, which helps set examples.
• Community-Based Childcare Models: In rural and low-income urban communities, where formal centers might not spring up immediately, fund and support community childcare programs. This can involve training local women as childminders and providing stipends or materials for them to run home-based daycare. Partner with NGOs who have experience in early childhood programs to expand reach. Over time, integrate these community solutions into the formal licensing system. This approach leverages existing social structures and can create jobs for women as childcare providers, while expanding access for families.
• Public Awareness and Norms Change: Alongside service provision, run a campaign to promote the value of early childhood education and encourage shared parenting responsibilities. Emphasize that childcare is not just “women’s work” – involve men in parenting classes, and showcase fathers using paternity leave or dropping children at daycare. Normalize using daycare as positive for child development (countering any stigma). The more society accepts formal childcare, the higher the demand will be, which in turn builds political will to fund it. This cultural shift will help maximize the impact of new childcare laws on women’s actual economic participation.

(Synergy note: By dramatically improving childcare support, Nigeria will enable more women to seek and retain paid work[13]. This economic empowerment can have a knock-on effect of improving women’s safety, as women with independent income and childcare options are better able to leave abusive relationships and negotiate safer conditions. It also feeds into closing the pay gap, as more continuous work experience for mothers means higher lifetime earnings. Therefore, childcare reform is a cornerstone that buttresses reforms in other domains.)

4. Boost Women’s Entrepreneurship and Access to Finance

• Amend Financial Laws to Prohibit Discrimination: Introduce a clause in banking and credit regulations (e.g. Central Bank guidelines or a provision in the Banking Act) that prohibits lenders from discriminating on the basis of gender in lending decisions[15]. While enforcement may be tricky, the law sets an important standard. It would allow regulators to sanction banks that, for example, arbitrarily deny women credit or impose spousal guarantee requirements only on women. The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) can be tasked with collecting sex-disaggregated data on loan approvals and reporting any disparities. Even a simple requirement that banks report lending by gender of borrower (already done in some countries) can shine a light on gaps and encourage self-correction or targeted lending programs.
• Gender-Sensitive Public Procurement: Implement a government policy (backed by an Executive Order or legislation) that targets a percentage of public procurement for women-owned businesses. A realistic target might be 20% to start (as Sierra Leone has aimed for 30%, Nigeria can progress in stages). This could mean that in every ministry’s procurement plan, a fifth of contracts (by value or number) should go to firms that are at least 51% owned by women. To operationalize this, Nigeria would need to update its procurement guidelines: for example, adding a bid evaluation preference for women-owned SMEs, maintaining a database of certified women-owned vendors, and perhaps unbundling large contracts to make them accessible to smaller female-led firms. Capacity-building should accompany this: e.g. training programs to help women entrepreneurs navigate bidding processes. This kind of affirmative procurement action has been successfully used in countries like Kenya and South Africa, and it directly increases revenue and growth opportunities for women-led businesses.
• Support Women-Focused Credit Programs: Expand and institutionalize funding for women’s entrepreneurship funds. The government, possibly through CBN or Bank of Industry, should create a sizable Women Entrepreneurs Finance Initiative that provides low-interest loans, credit guarantees, or grants to women-owned MSMEs. This could involve public-private partnerships (e.g. partner with commercial banks by guaranteeing a portion of loans to women, reducing banks’ risk). Allocating a certain amount of the national budget or development finance for this purpose will ensure sustainability. The success of Bangladesh’s Grameen Bank or India’s women’s self-help group lending shows that targeted credit can unleash women’s entrepreneurial potential. In Nigeria, leveraging existing microfinance networks and fintech can help reach women (for instance, using mobile loan platforms but with deliberate outreach to women). Ensure these programs also offer mentorship and training (since access to finance is often intertwined with access to business skills and networks).
• Encourage Women in Non-Traditional Sectors: Many Nigerian women entrepreneurs are concentrated in trade and small-scale services. Government programs should encourage and assist women to enter and thrive in higher-growth sectors (technology, manufacturing, agribusiness value chains). This can be done by establishing innovation hubs or incubators for women, providing seed funding competitions for women in tech, and linking women farmers or producers to larger markets (perhaps through cooperatives supported by the Ministry of Agriculture). A legal measure could be to offer tax breaks for startups or SMEs that are women-led, which improves their survival rate. Nigeria could also extend the existing Pioneer Status incentives (tax holidays) in certain industries to any company founded by a woman under 35, for example, to spur young female tech entrepreneurs.
• Institutional Framework for Women’s Economic Empowerment: Set up a high-level Gender Equality Commission or Council that, among other tasks, monitors progress in women’s economic inclusion (across safety, pay, entrepreneurship, etc.). This body – which could report to the Presidency or Vice President for clout – would track indicators such as number of women accessing credit, women’s business ownership rates, share of women in procurement, gender pay gap statistics, etc. It would coordinate between ministries (Women Affairs, Labour, Finance, Trade) to ensure policies are harmonized. If establishing a new body is difficult, strengthen the mandate of the Federal Ministry of Women Affairs to actively engage in economic programs – for example, ensuring that every major economic initiative (whether a youth employment scheme or an agricultural development program) has a women’s inclusion component. This institutional oversight helps mainstream the focus on women’s entrepreneurship beyond just one-off projects.
• Legal Literacy and Property Rights: Empower women entrepreneurs by improving their property and legal literacy. Many Nigerian women can’t easily leverage property for business because of uncertain land rights or lack of awareness on how to use collateral. Continue reforms to land titling to ensure women can own and register land (Nigeria already scores 75 on Assets in WBL, but customary practices can impede this). Meanwhile, run clinics or partner with bar associations to offer legal support to women entrepreneurs – helping with contract enforcement, understanding regulations, etc. This soft intervention complements formal legal equality with practical ability to assert rights.

(Synergy note: By facilitating women’s entrepreneurship, Nigeria not only drives economic growth but also fosters women’s empowerment that can improve outcomes in other areas. A woman who owns her business and has financial security is often more able to leave an abusive marriage (enhancing her safety) and has more influence in her household, including on childcare decisions and investments in her children’s education. Moreover, successful women-led businesses create jobs for other women, potentially offering more female-friendly workplace policies like flexible hours or nursing breaks, thus reinforcing the cycle of empowerment.)

5. Cross-Cutting and Supporting Actions

• Pass the Gender Equality Bill: Revive and pass the long-pending Gender and Equal Opportunities Bill at the National Assembly, which comprehensively seeks to domesticate CEDAW principles in Nigerian law. This bill (or a modified version addressing earlier objections) would provide an overarching legal affirmation of gender equality, underpinning the specific reforms above. It would also signal Nigeria’s commitment at the highest level and could establish a legal basis for many of the policies (e.g. it could create the Equality Commission, mandate periodic review of discriminatory laws, etc.). Ensuring stakeholder buy-in – from religious and community leaders to lawmakers – will be key, possibly by emphasizing that the reforms promote families’ economic welfare and Nigeria’s development, in line with cultural values of protection and provision.
• Allocate Adequate Budget and Resources: Financial backing is the linchpin of success for all recommendations. Nigeria should integrate gender-responsive budgeting, meaning each ministry’s budget should consider impacts on women and allocate resources accordingly. For example, the national budget should earmark funds for: establishing childcare centers, funding GBV response (shelters, hotlines, training), subsidizing maternity leave (perhaps through social insurance), and supporting women farmers and entrepreneurs. Pursue funding from both government coffers and international partners (donors are often willing to support gender programs when there is political commitment). A costed implementation plan for these reforms can be developed to guide resource needs over, say, a 5-year period. Prioritize spending that has multiplier effects – e.g. childcare spending enables more women to work, increasing GDP and tax revenues that offset the costs[13].
• Monitoring and Data Collection: Establish clear monitoring indicators for each reform and publicly track progress. Leverage the National Bureau of Statistics to collect annual data on key metrics: gender wage gap, percentage of women in managerial positions, number of reported GBV cases and convictions, childcare coverage rates, volume of loans to women-owned SMEs, etc. Publish an annual “Women’s Economic Empowerment Scorecard” for Nigeria, which can also feed into WBL updates and international reporting. This transparency will help maintain momentum and allow adjustments to policies as needed. It also aligns with WBL’s approach of data-driven reform – by showing whether Nigeria is improving relative to itself and others.
• Collaboration with States: Given Nigeria’s federal structure, many of these reforms require state-level action or adoption (especially for matters like domestic violence laws or implementing childcare centers and labor law enforcement which might fall under state purview for certain aspects). The federal government should work through the National Economic Council or Nigerian Governors’ Forum to secure buy-in from state governors. Possibly incentivize states via federal grants if they adopt model laws (e.g. additional funding to any state that passes its own GBV law mirroring the federal one, or that establishes childcare facilities). Use inter-state competition positively by publicizing which states are making progress on women-friendly policies.
• Engage Civil Society and Private Sector: Partner with women’s organizations, business associations, and unions in designing and rolling out these reforms. Civil society can help with community education (for example, informing women of their rights under new laws and how to claim them) and also act as watchdogs on implementation. The private sector’s role is crucial in areas like equal pay and childcare – corporations should be encouraged to champion some of these changes (some forward-thinking Nigerian companies may volunteer to be pilots for workplace childcare or pay gap audits). A public-private “Gender Equality Compact” could be launched, where leading companies commit to certain goals (like gender balance in hiring, or funding entrepreneurship accelerators for women) in exchange for recognition or small incentives. This creates broader ownership of the agenda beyond government.

By executing this integrated set of reforms, Nigeria can expect not only an improved WBL score but real, tangible progress: more women in decent jobs, more women-led businesses thriving, families supported by childcare options, and women living free from violence and fear. Critically, these changes reinforce each other. For example, a woman benefiting from childcare and equal pay is in a stronger position to escape domestic abuse (enhancing safety), and a woman free from violence is more able to be productive at work or run her business. Over time, these reforms contribute to breaking the cycle of gender inequality. Women’s increased economic participation will boost household incomes and national GDP, contributing to poverty reduction and overall development.

Conclusion

Nigeria’s journey towards gender equality in the realms of safety, pay, childcare, and entrepreneurship is challenging but achievable. The WBL2024 data have shone a spotlight on the legal and policy gaps, serving as both a diagnostic tool and a catalyst for action. Western and Central African neighbors like Sierra Leone and Togo demonstrate that progress is possible even in resource-constrained settings when there is political will and a clear reform roadmap. International conventions and commitments provide Nigeria with a ready-made framework of standards to aspire to – indeed, Nigeria has already pledged to many of these, and it is now a matter of honoring those pledges through concrete action.

The recommendations outlined above form a comprehensive strategy: update laws to remove inequalities and add protections, build institutions and systems to enforce the laws, invest in the services that enable women to capitalize on their rights (like childcare and credit access), and shift cultural norms alongside. This is an ambitious agenda, but each step reinforces the others. Importantly, these reforms are not just “women’s issues” – they are national economic issues. Studies repeatedly show that empowering women boosts economic growth, productivity, and community well-being. For Nigeria, unlocking the talent and potential of its women – half the population – is essential to achieving its development aspirations.

In conclusion, by closing the legal gaps in safety, pay, childcare, and entrepreneurship, Nigeria can create a more equitable society where women are protected, valued, and able to contribute fully to the economy. The case for these reforms is compelling: they are grounded in Nigeria’s international obligations, informed by regional success stories, and aligned with Nigeria’s own goals of prosperity and social justice. The time is ripe for Nigeria to act decisively on this agenda. Doing so will not only improve its performance on indices like WBL, but more importantly, will improve the lives of millions of Nigerian women and families for generations to come – a legacy well worth pursuing.

Sources:

• World Bank. Women, Business and the Law 2024: Nigeria Economy Snapshot[56][30].
• World Bank. Women, Business and the Law 2.0 – Nigeria (Legal and Supportive Frameworks data)[18][57].
• World Bank. Women, Business and the Law 2024: Sierra Leone and Togo data[45][31].
• World Bank. WBL 2024 Global Report (Chapter 2) – introduction of Safety & Childcare indicators and global findings[58][13].
• ILO Conventions and UN Treaties: CEDAW (1979); ILO C100 Equal Remuneration[7], ILO C190 Violence and Harassment (Nigeria ratification 2022)[27].
• National Laws: Lagos State Domestic Violence Law 2007; Criminal Law 2011 (on harassment)【40†】; Child’s Rights Act 2003 (childcare provisions)[8]; Sierra Leone GEWE Act 2022 (key provisions)[42].
• Supporting Analysis: Nigeria WBL indicators and regional averages[2]; WBL supportive framework findings for Nigeria (lack of VAW budget, childcare support, etc.)[23][26].

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[27] Nigeria ratifies Convention 190 after sustained union campaigns

https://www.industriall-union.org/nigeria-ratifies-convention-190-after-sustained-union-campaigns

[28] Labour, centre, others strategise on domestication of Convention 190

https://www.vanguardngr.com/2023/08/labour-centre-others-strategise-on-domestication-of-convention-190/

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[43] Parliament of Sierra Leone and WFD push for stronger …

https://www.wfd.org/news/parliament-sierra-leone-and-wfd-push-stronger-implementation-gewe-act-2022